The war with Iran is reshaping America ahead of the midterms, and The Guardian's political and global correspondents went live to answer reader questions about how it might affect voters at the polls. Because nothing says "democracy in action" like a liveblog about a conflict nobody in Congress actually approved.

Richard Ulmer in Tampa, Florida, asked the question on everyone's mind: why doesn't Congress stop a war it didn't approve of? Correspondent Robert explained that it's a simple question with no simple answer. Congress does have the power to impede or limit a war it hasn't voted for, but the particular trajectory of the Iran conflict, combined with Trump's powerful grip on a Republican-controlled legislature, has given him added flexibility.

The 1973 War Powers Resolution - passed in the wake of Vietnam to rein in the so-called "imperial president" - requires the administration to inform Congress within 48 hours of committing forces to military action, and to withdraw those forces within 60 to 90 days unless Congress votes to authorize the war or extend the timeframe. Trump has circumvented these restrictions through legal sleight of hand. The original conflict was suspended in early April - before the 60-day period was reached - by a de facto ceasefire later formalized through a memorandum of understanding between Iran and the US. When that agreement collapsed, the White House argued the 60-day threshold started again from scratch. More generally, Trump has invoked his constitutional powers under Article II, Section 2, which asserts the president can order targeted strikes, defend US forces abroad, or respond to threats abroad without congressional authorization.

Trump has also reframed his actions as "defensive" by switching the war's primary goal to re-opening the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic waterway that serves as a conduit for one-fifth of the world's oil. Iran's closure of it in response to being attacked has presented a major challenge to the US and global economy. In short: Congress didn't approve the war, and while its constitutional and legislative powers let it challenge and hamper Trump's actions, the power inherent in the presidency does not invest it with the power to stop it per se.

Lauren noted that both candidates in question are in incredibly tight races. The war is unpopular, and they don't want to be seen as cheerleaders for a conflict the voters they hope to represent oppose. Particularly in Iowa, where Hinson is running for Senate, the war is driving up the costs of essential operating inputs like diesel and fertilizer - coming atop Trump's trade war, which had already squeezed US farmers. In both states, Democratic candidates are pounding them on affordability and cost-of-living, and being publicly supportive of the war can dilute the Republicans' ability to respond.